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The impacts of the United States Supreme Court's elimination of abortion as a constitutional right in its June 24th Dobbs versus Jackson Women's Health Organization ruling are upending women's healthcare throughout the nation at breakneck speed.

AlterNet noted on Sunday that "from trigger laws in Republican-controlled states that totally ban or even criminalize the procedure, to patients as young as 10 having to travel hundreds of miles to terminate rape-induced pregnancies, the forewarned consequences of stripping Americans of their reproductive autonomy are rapidly coming to fruition.


On Tuesday, conservative Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin opined that the "proof" of opponents of abortion "being disturbingly indifferent to women and even aspiring to cruelly force women to give birth" is "already here."

READ MORE: Abortion providers' lives in growing peril following Roe reversal: report

The extremism, Rubin pointed out, is rampant.

Over the weekend, two Republican governors – Kristi Noem of South Dakota and Tate Reeves of Mississippi –indicated that they, like Ohio had days earlier, would have required pre-teen rape victims to carry their attackers' future child to term.

Rubin recalled that "Reeves said these are such a 'small, minor' number of cases. He wouldn’t say there should be an exception. Noem defended forced birth, insisting, 'I don’t believe a tragic situation should be perpetuated by another tragedy.' The tragedy of forcing a 10-year-old to undergo a pregnancy and the pain of childbirth does not register with Noem."

Mississippi House of Representatives Speaker Philip Gunn (R-56th District) said virtually the same of young incest survivors last week. Georgia GOP Senate candidate Herschel Walker, backed by former President Donald Trump, "wants no exceptions. Not even to save the woman’s life," Rubin wrote.

READ MORE: GOP governor suggests she would force ten-year-old rape victims to carry pregnancies to term

Ohio State Representative Jean Schmidt (R-65th District), meanwhile, "has called forcing a 13-year-old rape victim to give birth an 'opportunity,'" Rubin added.

Rubin finds the prevalence of these positions as appalling.

"Indeed, the number of states contemplating abortion bans with no exception for rape or incest might shock you," Rubin wrote. "Louisiana Governor John Bel Edwards — a Democrat — just signed an abortion law with no exception for rape or incest. In Arkansas, GovernorAsa Hutchinson (R) seemed open to making an exception, but its absence won’t slow down implementation of the abortion ban in his state."

The Supreme Court's reversals of Roe versus Wade and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania versus Casey do not simply validate the right-wing's crusade to legally compel people to bear children against their will. They also endanger patients who miscarry or suffer from life-threatening complications such as ectopic pregnancies. In states where all abortions are illegal regardless of the circumstances, such as Idaho, law enforcement could be mandated to investigate and prosecute prenatal losses as felony murder.

READ MORE: Mississippi GOP Governor Tate Reeves dismisses 'real small, minor number' of rapes requiring abortions

"The monstrous cruelty of such bills shows how little many conservatives care about the well-being of women and girls who have already experienced the unbelievable trauma of sexual violence," said Rubin. "But it gets worse. Many states no longer consider exceptions for the health of the woman or create dangerous uncertainty that puts her life at risk. In the real medical world, where doctors and patients make decisions based on probabilities, the result of such abortion laws can be deadly for women. If abortion is legal only with the 'imminent' risk of death, women can be left in peril, facing what can become fatal complications later in pregnancy — when the chances of survival have declined."

Rubin cited a law in Tennessee in which "doctors are supposed to prove the woman couldn’t have lived without an abortion. (They must prove 'the abortion was necessary to prevent the death of the pregnant woman or to prevent serious risk of substantial and irreversible impairment of a major bodily function of the pregnant woman')."

Rubin stressed that "forced-birth advocates can hardly be called 'pro-life' when they are willing to gamble with the lives and health of women. To say women will die because of abortion laws or will suffer untold harm, both mental and physical, is not hyperbole. It’s reality for women who are now deprived of the right to make their own decision about their health and even their lives."

Rubin, an ex-Republican, concluded with a borrowing warning: "When you treat women like less than competent adults, and insist that others, who may have little or no competency, weigh the risks to her health and life, you wind up not with a culture of life but a culture of devaluing women’s lives."

READ MORE: Economists are ‘racing to study’ the ‘impact’ of Roe’s demise: report

Rubin's full editorial is available here (subscription required).

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    Arizona attorney general race to have big impact on abortion rules, election claims

    A typically low-key race for Arizona attorney general is set to take on a newfound sense of importance after Republicans chose a political novice turned right-wing firebrand as the party’s nominee in Tuesday’s primary.

    Abraham Hamadeh, who campaigned on a staunchly conservative platform and received former President Donald Trump’s endorsement, handily defeated a slate of more experienced candidates, including a former Arizona Supreme Court justice, to secure the Republican nomination to be the Grand Canyon State’s chief legal officer. He won the primary largely by closely allying himself with the former president, soundly rejecting the centrist, business-friendly image long associated with Arizona Republicans, and staking out hard-line positions on abortion, elections, and voting rules, among other topics popular with the GOP’s base.


    But Hamadeh’s rapid political rise has alarmed Democrats, who see him as committed to reinstating historical abortion bans, including a strict 1864 law that would allow abortion doctors to be prosecuted with prison time, while also pursuing legislative and legal efforts to call the 2020 election’s legitimacy into question. While Mark Brnovich, the incumbent Republican attorney general who lost his primary for Arizona's open Senate seat on Tuesday, has already begun efforts to reinstate the 1864 law and other historical abortion restrictions in the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s June decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, he has been an opponent of efforts to question the 2020 election and incurred Trump’s wrath for refusing to aid the former president’s efforts to have Arizona’s election results overturned.

    Hamadeh, on the other hand, has firmly aligned himself with Kari Lake and Mark Finchem, the Arizona GOP’s hard-right nominees for governor and secretary of state, respectively, who have both repeatedly rejected the results of the 2020 election. He has also pledged to “prosecute the crimes of the rigged 2020 election” if elected and has seemingly endorsed efforts to “decertify” his state’s 2020 presidential electors. While it’s highly unlikely that Hamadeh will be able to follow through on any pledge to prosecute election officials or “decertify” 2020 electors even if elected, his highly controversial views have transformed the general election into an uncompromising ideological contest that will leave voters with two wildly divergent choices at the ballot box, and is set to have hugely significant implications for law enforcement in Arizona.

    Hamadeh, a former Maricopa County prosecutor and Army intelligence officer, will face Democrat Kris Mayes in November’s general election. Mayes won the Democratic nomination uncontested on Tuesday after state Democrats coalesced behind her candidacy. It’s difficult to underscore how different Mayes, a former chairwoman of the Arizona Corporation Commission, is in both style and substance to Hamadeh. In contrast to Hamadeh, who backs restricting abortion from conception, Mayes has alleged that the right to abortion is protected under Arizona’s state constitution, has rejected Gov. Doug Ducey’s recently enacted 15-week abortion ban, and has claimed that prosecuting abortion doctors under the 1864 statute would be “unconstitutional.”

    Mayes has also argued that the general election would be tantamount to a referendum on “democracy,” citing Hamadeh’s support for curbing mail-in voting and his unevidenced theories about the 2020 election. She has even said that, if elected, she would refuse to enforce duly enacted state laws restricting abortion.


    While much of Arizona’s attention is fixed on headline-dominating contests at the top of the ticket, the race for attorney general is sure to have an outsize impact on the direction that the state takes on a series of controversial issues, abortion and elections chief among them. And the race for Arizona attorney general is just one of several high-profile examples of how the comparatively centrist, congenial, deal-making attitudes along the lines of Ducey and Sen. John McCain that once defined statewide politics in the Grand Canyon State are nowhere to be found, at least for now.

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